A total sample of 120 subjects was selected from the U.S. and from a city in southern India. The American group generally held a Christian of Jewish background, whereas the Indian group generally maintained traditional Hindu beliefs and customs (Miller & Bersoff, 543). Subjects were presented with situations which dealt with breaches of justice and interpersonal relations. The results confirmed the hypotheses that there exist cultural differences in judging moral situations through interpersonal responsibility or in terms of justice concerns (Miller & Bersoff, 551). Indians more frequently resolved situations in terms of alternatives dealing with relations between people. In addition, Americans rated solutions of justice as more desirable that interpersonal choices (Miller & Bersoff, 551). The researchers argue that in the Indian framework obligations between individuals might be viewed as paramount in comparison to justice obligations when individuals are assessing moral behavior (Miller & Bersoff, 551). From these findings it seems that moral reasoning is partially culturally bound, and the researchers argue that his method of reasoning is not inferior to Kohlberg's reasoning on justice.
If a more complete understanding of cultural differences is obtained, then moral development and reasoning can be further revealed. Another study conducted by Joan G. Miller, David M. Bersoff and Robin L. Harwood, focused on assessing cultural differences in moral views of social responsibility. A sample of American and Indian subjects was obtained to examine any differences that might exist. The reasoning for the study was based on the observation that American culture seems to emphasize individuality and freedom of choice, whereas Indian culture emphasizes interpersonal relations and community influences (Miller, Bersoff, Harwood, 33).
In the methods the subjects evaluated hypothetical scenarios in which the need of help and the type of relationship was varied. For example, subjects were asked to evaluate a situation in which an individual had to help a dependent other in a life-threatening, moderate or minor experience (Miller et. al., 34). In the other types of relationships, a moderate friend and a stranger were included. In these various hypothetical situations subjects were asked to evaluate their obligations in these conditions, which reflected their moral views (Miller et. al., 34). The researchers hypothesized that Indian subjects would express more obligation to help in the situations involving a moderate friend and a stranger relative to the American group. In addition, the level of moral obligation for the Indian subjects should be fairly consistent across situations, in contrast to the American group which should change dependent on the type of relationship (Miller et. al., 34).
The results demonstrated that in particular situations American and Indians hold a common view of social obligation (Miller et. al., 43). In those situations portraying a life-threatening situation a moral obligation was universally expressed. Although, Indian subjects maintained a fairly consistent view of moral obligation to almost all situations, which was not indicative of the American group (Miller et. al., 43). These results lend further support to the claim that cultural systems play a role in formation of moral codes. The researchers claim that in Indian society individuals are seen as a fundamental part of the social structure and thus the need of others is viewed more often on moral terms (Miller et. al., 44). From these observations the complexities of moral development begin to be unraveled.
Researchers continued to ask questions dealing with cultural influences on moral development. Do cultural influences have an effect on moral reasoning and judgment? In addition, researchers continued to use American and Indian subjects as comparison groups because of the distinct cultural differences. Due to what each culture emphasizes in its social framework, the researchers were interested in how individuals explained behavior, as influenced by situational factors or personal choice. In addition they wanted to assess how readily one is willing to forgive behaviors.
In the method of this study, subjects were asked to make moral judgments on hypotheticals regarding the question of justice (Bersoff & Miller, 665). The hypotheticals included evaluating: a 10 year-old child's behavior, an act performed under anger or fear that was provoked by the situation, and lastly by an individual in an accident. Due to the Indians emphasis in the culture on situational influences, the researchers hypothesized that Indians would hold individuals less accountable for actions the anger and accident scenarios. The results demonstrated to support the hypothesis that Indians are more likely to "absolve" individuals for their actions (Bersoff & Miller, 672). Despite the cultural influences, subjects tended to "absolve" most individuals in the accident condition, and then followed with less in the anger condition and fewer in the behavior of the "immature" 10 year-old (Bersoff & Miller). This finding may emphasize that some overlap may exist in how cultures perceive influences on behavior.
Bersoff, David M. (1993). Culture, Context and the Development of Moral Accountability Judgments. Developmental Psychology, 29, 664-676.
Miller, Joan G. (1992). Culture and Moral Judgment: How are Conflicts Between Justice and Interpersonal Responsibilities Resolved. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology, 26, 541-554.
Miller, Joan G. (1990). Perceptions of Social Responsibilities in India and in the United States: Moral Imperatives on Personal Decisions. Journal of Personality & Social psychology, 58, 33-47.
Wark, Gillian R. (1996). Gender and Dilemma Differences in Real-Life Moral Judgment. Developmental Psychology, 32, 220-230.
Moral Development for Both Sexes
Moral Philosophy and Empirical Research
Contributed by Brett Mulder, September 29, 1997.