A central issue in the lives of young adults is the anxiety and anticipation of a "mid-life transition" as they enter middle adulthood. In his research of middle aged men and women Daniel Levinson argued that this "transition" is for many a "crisis." Specifically, he argued the idea that this crisis was a time of struggle and a feeling of being struck down by life (Myers, 1998). The research of Levinson has led to recent research about a possible mid-life crisis that has helped to find answers to many questions: What is a mid-life crisis? Is it universal throughout cultures and gender? When does it occur? What causes it? Is it real?
In a study conducted by Daniel Shek dealing with mid-life crisis in Chinese Men and Women, Levinson's theory of the presence of a mid-life crisis in middle aged men and women is argued. A sample of 1,501 married adults between the ages of 30 and 60 were given a 15-item Mid-life Crisis Scale. The scale was designed to test the of levels of concern of the adults who were divided into six mid-life age groups. The results of the study showed that some of the participants were dissatisfied with their work and personal achievement, but that a majority did not indicate dissatisfaction at the crisis level. Therefore, the findings of this study did not support the idea of a normal mid-life crisis. Also, the results of this research did not show a significant rise or peak in the levels of concern for the adults in any particular age group. This result is in agreement with the findings of McCrae and Costa (1984) who concluded that "at any given time, only a small percentage of men are in a crisis, and they are not likely to cluster at any particular age" (Shek, 1996). These findings help to reject Levinson's idea that the mid-life crisis is usually a marker event for people of 40 to 45 years of age (Shek, 1996).
Kruger also explores possible causes of society's belief in a mid-life crisis. He explains how the increased prosperity of the North American and Western European white middle classes may be the source of this idea. Kruger notes that the perception of acting out a mid-life crisis goes along with the increase in leisure time to indulge in self-absorption, and that this is a characteristic of an increase in prosperity (Kruger, 1994). Other research that challenges the idea of a mid-life crisis deals with the idea of the "social clock." This cultural prescription of the right time to leave home, get a job, marry, have children, and retire varies from culture to culture. For instance, in Jordan, 40 percent of brides are in their teens. However, this figure is only three percent in Hong Kong. In Western Europe, less than 10 percent of men over 65 remain in the work force, compared to 16 percent in the United States, 36 percent in Japan, and 69 percent in Mexico (Myers, 1998). These variations in the social clock and individual experience lead stage theorists to question the idea of a timetable of adult stages including a mid-life crisis (Myers, 1998).
Huyck, Margaret H. (1993). Middle Age. Academic American Encyclopedia, 13, 390-391.
Kruger, A. (1994). The Mid-life Transition: Crisis or Chimera? Psychological Reports, 75, 1299-1305.
Myers, David G. (1998). Adulthood's Ages and Stages. Psychology, 5, 196-197.
Shek, D.T.L. (1996). Mid-life Crisis in Chinese Men and Women. Journal of Psychology, 130, 109-119.
Research Network on Successful Midlife Development (MIDMAC)
Contributed by Jeff MacDoniels, December 1, 1997.